St. Anthony's monastery in Egypt. |
Despite protestations of its purported political neutrality Egypt's
besieged military leadership has been secretly funneling financial,
food, and security support to Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood and its allied
Salafist parties in the run up to next week's parliamentary elections.
The assistance takes the form of "walk around" money, clothing and
food giveaways secretly funneled to the coffers of the Brotherhood's
front party -- the Freedom and Justice Party, the Construction and
Development Party, as well as to allied Salafist Parties, including Al
Nour, Al-Asalah, Al-Fadilah, Al Islah and others -- in a bid to buy
votes and provide Islamist parties a military supported upper hand in
the upcoming parliamentary elections..
The military leadership has not only channeled financial support to
the Islamists, it has also secretly collaborated with Salafists who have
attacked Copts throughout Egypt in a show of support for more punitive
discriminatory acts against Egypt's Coptic minority to curry further
favor with Salafists.
Hundreds of Copts were attacked by unknown assailants en route to
Cairo's Tahrir Square on November 18th the second night of
demonstrations this month while security forces stood by. This latest
attack comes in the wake of October's attack by the army which used live
fire and drove military vehicles into a crowd of Copts protesting a
rash of attacks on Copts and Coptic churches, killing 25 innocent
protestors.
According to information obtained from a reliable European military
intelligence source with whom I met in Turkey a few days ago, an
emissary of The Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) met secretly with
representatives of the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist oriented
political movements last April to establish local political "action
committee" bank accounts to funnel an underground supply chain of
financial and commodity support to local Islamist political
organizations throughout Egypt outside the prying eyes of Cairo-based
media. Hundreds of local Islamist political organization chapters
throughout Egypt have been buying votes courtesy of military provided
financial and food handouts.
While it is impossible to determine the exact extent of the
financial, clothing and food transfers, I was told by a prominent
Egyptian journalist who is trying to uncover the magnitude of the
payouts that it amounts to "millions of dollars." The military is not
the sole source of funds to Islamists parties, which are also receiving
funds from Egyptian businessmen trying to buy favor with the likely
winners of Egypt's parliamentary elections, and charitable donations
from wealthy Saudis.
The SCAF's surreptitious political maneuvering favoring Islamists
over more secular political movements is based on one simple equation --
the military is determined to prevent secularists from gaining a
parliamentary majority which would likely impair its insatiable appetite
for controlling Egypt's national budget and its own extensive business
operations. It is determined to prevent a civilian government from
interfering with its cherished prerogatives.
Moreover, the vast majority of Egypt's rank and file soldiers come
from more rural, conservative parts of Egypt, where support for Islamic
parties is most pronounced. The SCAF is betting that its considerable
support for Islamists will translate into long term loyalty among
Egypt's post revolutionary conscripts as an insurance policy against
potential efforts to interfere with the military's jealously guarded
prerogatives.
The outbreak of unrest throughout Cairo in recent days orchestrated
largely by Egypt's more secular, liberal-oriented political supporters
has clearly shocked the SCAF. Anger at Egypt's military rulers reached a
boiling point when, in addition to delaying reforms and presidential
elections, the SCAF-controlled constitution drafting committee (with a
wink and nod from Islamist members of the drafting committee) unveiled a
draft two weeks ago exempting the military and its budget from civilian
oversight over the strenuous objections of secular political parties.
In fact, Field Marshal Tantawi's determination to press ahead with
parliamentary elections next week as originally planned despite the
violence and unrest throughout the country reflects, in part, the
military leadership's fear that prolonging the parliamentary campaigning
will reveal the extent of the SCAF's slush fund operations and its
interference on behalf of Islamist parties.
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